Who would have thought François Hollande’s presidency would look like the second term of his right-wing predecessor, Nicolas Sarkozy ? The endless betrayals of his so-called socialist cabinet have turned the few hopes of the French left into explosive anger.
A few weeks ago, a right-wing British magazine [1] called François Hollande “Captain Calamity”. It may sound bizarre but for once, the French left may agree. And one can only imagine his disgruntled electors nodding in agreement with an article that mocks the President’s delusional attempt to stand for reelection next year. Hollande was elected in 2012 by 51.6% of the votes after 17 years of conservative presidencies. His popularity now stands at 14%, making him the least popular president in the history of the Fifth Republic. “Captain calamity” hasn’t only damaged his own chances of staying in power, he wrecked people’s trust in his party.
Back in early 2012, a few months before winning over Nicolas Sarkozy, François Hollande kicked off his presidential campaign with a well-remembered speech. “In the battle about to begin, I will tell you who my real enemy is. [It] has no name, it has no face and does not belong to a political party. This adversary is the world of finance.” After the most brutal financial crash in generations, Hollande promised to reform the fiscal and banking systems, to straighten up the economy and to rescue the “sacrificed youth.” Even the left-wing Green leader Cécile Duflot celebrated his victory as a “deep change in politics” and a “chance for social justice and democracy.”
The presidency of betrayals
Four years later, Hollande’s renunciations are so numerous it’s hard to count them all. It only took him a few months to forget about his “real enemy” and make new allies : businesses. As the unemployment rate has kept growing (currently at 10%), one of his main solutions has consisted in giving away 40 billion euros in tax credits to companies in exchange for jobs. It has ridiculously failed. His Prime Minister, Manuel Valls, has appointed a younger generation of top ministers to “modernize” the country as his former cabinet members started to abandon ship. Emmanuel Macron, a former banker appointed Minister of the Economy in 2014, introduced a controversial law aimed at “liberalizing” the economy and favoring employers over workers rights. Facing fierce opposition, the government bypassed parliament and forced through the reform without a vote last year. But that was just the beginning.
Growing anger reached a peak with the introduction of a labour reform by the newly appointed Minister Myriam El Khomri in February 2016. The aim is to increase the flexibility of the labour market and to reverse a century of social progress. Inspired by the dying ideology of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, Hollande hopes that making it easier for companies to get rid of their workers would reduce unemployment. Who would dare to take him seriously when he repeats that “things are getting better” after his Prime minister bypassed parliament a second time to force through the labour reform, narrowly surviving a no-confidence vote ?
Initially launched on social networks, the protest movement started in March and was greatly amplified by early student protests and blockades. Then it was followed by main trade unions organising strikes across the country, with some of them growing quickly among truck drivers, railway workers and in oil refineries. The movement is now multifaceted and reaches a very diverse minority of people.
Renewal in revolt
France may boast its proud heritage of revolutions and social progress, but Hollande is keen on denying democracy. The movement called Nuit Debout (or “Night on our feet”) reclaims it. It started on the 31st of March in Place de la République, Paris, and quickly expanded to other French towns. While social democracy appears futureless and ritualistic demonstrations helpless, Nuit Debout emerged as a horizontal agora inspired by Occupy and the Spanish Indignados. Hundreds of people have been gathering in public squares every night to debate whatever is deemed worthy of debating (a new constitution, work, politics etc.), in hope of finding a “convergence of struggles”. For many of them, the labour reform and security crackdowns (in response to last year’s terrorist attacks) were the final straw.
If Nuit Debout grew from anger, some crucial elements conveyed a sense of hope and a vision for a progressive future. The documentary “Merci Patron !” was one of them. Produced by Fakir, a left-wing newspaper, the story of a working class couple from the struggling North taking on France’s richest man, Bernard Arnault, was a rallying cry for collective organisation. “People realized ; ‘we can win. We are stronger than we thought, [the elites] are more fragile than we imagined’”, explained the film’s producer. The intellectual Frédéric Lordon, contributor to the newspaper Le Monde Diplomatique, also had a crucial role as he urged for a renewal in revolt. If Nuit Debout is said to have lost momentum over the past few weeks, failing to attract disenfranchised working classes, it has clearly operated as a platform across struggles and remains unique as a democratic space.
The tear gas Republic
Trade unions have organized dozens of strikes and protests over the past few months. Massive crowds have been welcomed by tear gas, truncheons and extreme police brutality across the country. In April, a student lost one eye after being shot in the face by a flash ball. In May, a young passerby was severely injured (he spent 11 days in a coma) by a police grenade in Paris. In early June, a group of journalists were attacked for no legitimate reason by riot police in Rennes (North West). The same day, 11 children were injured due to an unnecessarily brutal attempt by the police to break up a picket in front of their school. The list could go on and on. While the mainstream press endlessly moans about a minority of violent rioters, the French NGO ACAT (in defence of human rights) recently condemned “police forces enjoying relative impunity while committing violent interventions”. While dozens of demonstrators have been jailed since March, hundreds of them have been injured. The police watchdog has launched inquiries regarding 48 major cases of police violence.
Although only 13% of the French agree with the labour reform, Hollande refuses to let it go and hopes he can stop protests by offering small concessions. As the Euro tournament nears, trade unions have organized the picketing of power stations and fuel depots while a nationwide demonstration is planned on the 14th of June. Workers are also on strike in the main railway company SNCF and at Air France this week. If “Captain Calamity” won’t be missed, he will be remembered as the President who both the opposition and his own voters hated.
Everywhere in Europe, we fight austerity. If you see demonstrations, blockades in the streets or around football stadiums in France, don’t listen to the mainstream media and join us !
Emmanuel Sanséau
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